I doubt whether to-day an entire tribe of perfectly straight-haired primitive Malayan people exists in the Archipelago. Many people told me that his father and also his grandfather were members of the pueblo and had curly hair. I have never been able to find any hint at foreign or Negrito blood in any of the several curly haired people in the Bontoc culture area whose ancestors I have tried to discover.
The scanty growth of hair on the face of the Bontoc man is pulled Page 42 out. A small pebble and the thumb nail or the blade of the battle-ax and the bulb of the thumb are frequently used as forceps; they never cut the hair of the face. It is common to see men of all ages with a very sparse growth of hair on the upper lip or chin, and one of 50 years in Bontoc has a fairly heavy 4-inch growth of gray hair on his chin and throat; he is shown in Pl. Their bodies are quite free from hair.
There is none on the breast, and seldom any on the legs. The pelvic growth is always pulled out by the unmarried. The growth in the armpits is scant, but is not removed. The iris of the eye is brown—often rimmed with a lighter or darker ring. The brown of the iris ranges from nearly black to a soft hazel brown.
The cornea is frequently blotched with red or yellow. The Malayan fold of the upper eyelid is seen in a large majority of the men, the fold being so low that it hangs over and hides the roots of the lashes. The lashes appear to grow from behind the lid rather than from its rim. The teeth are large and strong, and, whereas in old age they frequently become few and discolored, during prime they are often white and clean.
The people never artificially stain the teeth, and, though surrounded by betel-nut chewers with dark teeth or red-stained lips, they do not use the betel. Since the Igorot keeps no record of years, it is impossible to know his age, but it is believed that sufficient comparative data have been collected in Bontoc to make the following estimates reliable:. At the age of 20 a man seems hardly to have reached his physical best; this he attains, however, before he is By 35 he begins to show the marks of age.
By 55 all are old—most are bent and thin. Probably not over one or two in a hundred mature men live to be 70 years old. The following census taken from a Spanish manuscript found in Quiangan, and written in , may be taken as representative of an average Igorot pueblo:.
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From this census it seems that the Magulang Igorot man is at his prime between the ages of 30 and 40 years, and that the death rate for men between the ages of 40 and 50 is nearly as great as the death rate among children between 5 to 10 years of age, being Beyond the age of 50 collapse is sudden, since all the men more than 50 years old are less than half the number of those between the ages of 40 and 50 years.
In appearance they are short and stocky. The following table presents the average measurements of twenty-nine women:. These measurements show that the composite woman—the average of the measurements of twenty-nine women—is mesaticephalic. The extremes of cephalic index are Of the twenty-nine women twelve are brachycephalic; twelve are mesaticephalic; and five are dolichocephalic. The broadest nose has an index of The women reach the age of maturity well prepared for its responsibilities. They have more adipose tissue than the men, yet are never fat. The head is carried erect, but with a certain stiffness—often due, in part, no doubt, to shyness, and in part to the fact that they carry all their burdens on their heads.
I believe the neck more often appears short than does the neck of the man. The shoulders are broad, and Page 44 flat across the back. The breasts are large, full, and well supported. The hips are broad and well set, and the waist there is no natural waist line is frequently no smaller than the hips, though smaller than the shoulders.
Their arms are smooth and strong, and they throw stones as men do, with the full-arm throw from the shoulder. Their hands are short and strong. The thighs are sturdy and strong, and the calves not infrequently over-large. This enlargement runs low down, so the ankles, never slender, very often appear coarse and large. In consequence of this heavy lower leg, the feet, short at best, usually look much too short. They are placed on the ground straight ahead, though the tendency to inturned feet is slightly more noticeable than it is among the men.
Their carriage is a healthful one, though it is not always graceful, since their long strides commonly give the prominent buttocks a jerky movement. They prove the naturalness of that style of walking which, in profile, shows the chest thrust forward and the buttocks backward; the abdomen is in, and the shoulders do not swing as the strides are made. It shows on the shaded parts of the body, and where the skin is distended, as on the breast and about certain features of the face.
It has a tendency to fall out as age comes on, but does not seem thin on the head. The tendency to gray hairs is apparently somewhat less than it is with the men. The remainder of the body is exceptionally free from hair. The growth in the armpits and the pelvic hair are always pulled out by the unmarried, and a large per cent of the women do not allow it to grow even in old age.
Their eyes are brown, varied as are those of the men, and with the Malayan fold of the upper eyelid. Their teeth are generally whiter and cleaner than are those of their male companions, a condition due largely, probably, to the fact that few of the women smoke. They seem to reach maturity at about 17 or 18 years of age.
The first child is commonly born between the ages of 16 and At 23 the woman has certainly reached her prime. The entire front of the body—in prime full, rounded, and smooth—has become flabby, wrinkled, and folded. It is only a short time before collapse of the tissue takes place in all parts of the Page 45 body. The census of Magulang, page 42, should be again referred to, from which it appears that the death rate among women is greater between the ages of 40 and 50 years than it is with men, being The census shows also that there are relatively a larger number of old women—that is, over 50 years old—than there are old men.
The death rate among children is large. Of fifteen families in Bontoc, each having had three or more children, the death rate up to the age of puberty was over 60 per cent. According to the Magulang census the death rate of children from 5 to 10 years of age is The new-born babe is as light in color as the average American babe, and is much less red, instead of which color there is the slightest tint of saffron. Some of the babes, perhaps all, are born with an abundance of dark hair on the head.
Fully 30 per cent of children up to 5 or 6 years of age have brown hair—due largely to fading, as the outer is much lighter than the under hair. In rare cases the lighter brown hair assumes a distinctly red cast, though a faded lifeless red. Before puberty is reached, however, all children have glossy black hair. The iris of a new-born babe is sometimes a blue brown; it is decidedly a different brown from that of the adult or of the child of five years. Most children have the Malayan fold of the eyelid; the lower lid is often much straighter than it is on the average American.
When, in addition to these conditions, the outer corner of the eye is higher than the inner, the eye is somewhat Mongolian in appearance. During these last half dozen years of childhood all children are slender and agile and wonderfully attractive in their naturalness. Both girls and boys reach puberty at a later time than would be expected, though data can not be gathered to determine accurately the age at puberty. All the Ilokano in Bontoc pueblo consistently maintain that girls do not reach puberty until at least 16 and 17 years of age.
Perhaps it is arrived at by 14 or 15, but I feel certain it is not as early as 12 or 13—a condition one might expect to find among people in the tropics. The most serious permanent physical affliction the Bontoc Igorot suffers is blindness. Fully 2 per cent of the people both of Bontoc and her sister pueblo, Samoki, are blind; probably 2 per cent more are partially so. Bontoc has one blind boy only 3 years old, but I know of no other blind children; and it is claimed that no babes are born blind. There is one woman in Bontoc approaching 20 years of age who is nearly blind, and whose mother and older sister are blind.
Blindness is very common among the old people, and seems to come on with the general breaking down of the body. A few of the people say their blindness is due to the smoke in their dwellings. This doubtless has much to do with the infirmity, as their private and public buildings are very smoky much of the time, and when the nights are at all chilly a fire is built in their closed, low, and chimneyless sleeping rooms.
There are many persons with inflamed and granulated eyelids whose vision is little or not at all impaired—a forerunner of blindness probably often caused by smoke. Twenty per cent of the adults have abnormal feet. It is found widely scattered among the barefoot mountain tribes of northern Luzon. The people say it is due to mountain climbing, and their explanation is probably correct, as the great toe is used much as is a claw in securing a footing on the slippery, steep trails during the rainy reason. This deformity occurs on one or both feet, but generally on both if at all.
An enlargement of the basal joint of the great toe, probably a bunion, is also comparatively common. It is not improbable that it is often Page 47 caused by stone bruises, as such are of frequent occurrence; they are sometimes very serious, laying a person up ten days at a time. The feet of adults who work in the water-filled rice paddies are dry, seamed, and cracked on the bottoms. I believe not 5 per cent of the people are without eruptions of the skin.
It is practically impossible to find an adult whose body is not marked with shiny patches showing where large eruptions have been. Babes of one or two months do not appear to have skin diseases, but those of three and four are sometimes half covered with itching, discharging eruptions. I have seen babes of this age with sores an inch across and nearly an inch deep in their backs. Relatively there are few large sores on the people such as boils and ulcers, but a person may have a dozen or half a hundred itching eruptions the size of a half pea scattered over his arms, legs, and trunk.
From these he habitually squeezes the pus onto his thumb nail, and at once ignorantly cleans the nail on some other part of the body. The general prevalence of this itch is largely due to the gregarious life of the people—to the fact that the males lounge in public quarters, and all, except married men and women, sleep in these same quarters where the naked skin readily takes up virus left on the stone seats and sleeping boards by an infected companion.
In Banawi, in the Quiangan culture area, a district having no public buildings, one can scarcely find a trace of skin eruption. There are two adult people in Samoki pueblo who are insane; one of them at least is supposed to be affected by Lumawig, the Igorot god, and is said, when he hallooes, as he does at times, to be calling to Lumawig. Bontoc pueblo has a young woman and a girl of five or six years of age who are imbecile. Those four people are practically incapacitated from earning a living, and are cared for by their immediate relatives.
There are two adult deaf and dumb men in Bontoc pueblo, but both are industrious and self-supporting. Igorot badly injured in war or elsewhere are usually killed at their own request. In May, , a man from Maligkong was thrown to the earth and rendered unconscious by a heavy timber he and several companions brought to Bontoc for the school building. Washington, Government Printing Office, Manila, , p. A perfect circle about a mile in diameter might be described within the pocket. It is bisected fairly accurately by the Chico River, coursing from the southwest to the northeast.
Its altitude ranges from about 2, feet at the river to 2, at the upper edge of Bontoc pueblo, which is close to the base of the mountain ridge at the west, while Samoki is backed up against the opposite ridge to the southeast. The river flows between the pueblos, though considerably closer to Samoki than to Bontoc. The horizon circumscribing this pocket is cut at the northeast, where the river makes its exit, and lifting above this gap are two ranges of mountains beyond.
At the south-southeast there is another cut, through which a small affluent pours into the main stream. At the southwest the river enters the pocket, although no cut shows in the horizon, as the stream bends abruptly and the farther range of mountains folds close upon the near one.
Bontoc lies compactly built on a sloping piece of ground, roughly about half a mile square. Through the pueblo are two water-cut ravines, down which pour the waters of the mountain ridge in the rainy season, and in which, during much of the remainder of the year, sufficient water trickles to supply several near-by dwellings. Adjoining the pueblo on the north and west are two small groves where a religious ceremonial is observed each month.
Granaries for rice are scattered all about the outer fringe of dwellings, and in places they follow the ravines in among the buildings of the pueblo. The old, broad Spanish trail runs close to the pueblo on the south and east, as it passes in and out of the pocket through the gaps cut by the river. About the pueblo at the east and northeast are some fifteen houses built in Spanish time, most of them now occupied by Ilokano men with Igorot or half-breed wives. There also were the Spanish Government Page 49 buildings, reduced to a church, a convent, and another building used now as headquarters for the Government Constabulary.
The pueblo, now 2, or 2, people, was probably at one time larger. There is a tradition common in both Bontoc and Samoki that in former years the ancestors of this latter pueblo lived northeast of Bontoc toward the northern corner of the pocket. They say they moved to the opposite side of the river because there they would have more room. There they have grown to 1, or 1, souls.
Still later, but yet before the Spanish came, a large section of people from northeastern Bontoc moved bodily to Lias, about two days to the east. The Igorot is given to naming even small areas of the earth within his well-known habitat, and there are four areas in Bontoc pueblo having distinct names. In due time it will doubtless become such.
In fact, they divide them into the old and new. The roofed part is about 8 by 10 feet , and usually is not over 5 feet high in any part, inside measure; the size of the court is approximately the same as that of the roofed section. Under this roof skulls of dogs and hogs are generally found tucked away.
Carabao horns and chicken feathers are also commonly seen in such places. In many cases the open court is shaded by a tree. Posts are found reared above most of the courts. Some are old and blackened; others are all but gone—a short stump being all that projects above the earth. Both the roofed and court sections are paved with stone, and large stones are also arranged around the sides of the court, some more or less elevated as seats; they are worn smooth and shiny by generations of use. In the center of the court is the smoldering remains of a fire.
The only opening into the covered part is a small doorway connecting it with the court. A few people have runo slat mats, some of which roll up, while others are inflexible, and they lie on these over the stone pavement. Fires are built in all sleeping rooms when it is cold, and the rooms all close tightly with a door.
The Bontoc Igorot eBook
In the court of the building the men lounge when not at work in the fields; they sleep, or smoke and chat, tend babies, or make utensils and weapons. When the men of Chakong were building theirs they met the pueblo of Sadanga in combat, and one of the builders lost his head to Sadanga. That these widespread institutions sprang from the same source will be seen clearly in the quotations appearing in the footnote below. It is a small stone and mud-walled structure, roofed with grass, in which a grown person can seldom Page 54 stand erect. It has but a single opening—a door some 30 inches high and 10 inches wide.
They are placed close together, side by side, laid on a frame about a foot above the earth. The building as shown in Pl. XXXIII is typical of the nineteen found in Bontoc pueblo—though it does not show, what is almost invariably true, that it is built over one or more pigsties. This condition is illustrated in Pl.
It is built to house the occupants only at night. The demand is not so urgent as that of some ato, since there are only thirteen families in Ungkan. Damant is quoted from the Calcutta Review vol. I saw Dekhi chang here for the first time. All the unmarried girls sleep there at night, but it is deserted in the day. It is not much different from any ordinary house.
It is the home of the prosperous. XXXVII , the smaller, closed, frequently mud-walled dwelling of poor families, and commonly of the widows. The family dwelling primarily serves two purposes—it is the place where the man, his wife, and small child sleep, and where the entire family takes its food. Three or four men are required for a period of about two months to get out the pine boards and timbers in the forest. Each piece of timber for any permanent building is completed at the time it is cut from the tree, and is left to season in the mountains; sometimes it remains several years.
See Pl. When all is ready to construct the dwelling the owner announces his intention. Some men of the pueblo gather to erect the building, and two or three dozen women come to prepare and cook the necessary food, for, whereas no wage is paid the laborers, all are feasted at the cost of much rice and several hogs and a carabao or two. The toiling and feasting continue about ten days.
The front and back walls of the house are 3 feet 6 inches high and 12 feet 6 inches long. The two side walls are the same height as the ends, but are 15 feet 6 inches long. The rear wall is built of stones carefully chinked with mud. The side walls consist each of two boards extending the full length of the structure. The front wall is cut near the middle Page 56 from top to bottom with a doorway 1 foot 4 inches wide; otherwise the front wall is like the two side walls, except that it has a roughly triangular timber grooved along the lower side and fitted over the top board as a cap.
A few dwellings have a door consisting of a single board set on end and swinging on a projection sunk in a hole in a doorsill buried in the earth; the upper part of the door swings on a string secured to the doorpost and passing through a hole in the door. At each of the four corners of the building, immediately inside the walls, is a post set in the ground and standing 6 feet 9 inches high. The boards of the walls are tied to these corner posts, and the greater part of the weight of the roof rests on their tops.
They directly support the second story of the building. The earth in this room is excavated so that the floor is about 1 foot lower than that of the remainder of the building, and in its center the peculiar double wooden rice mortar is imbedded in the earth. There are neither boards nor stones to cut this cooking room off from the open aisle of the house, but its width is determined by a low pile of stones built along its farther side from the outer house wall toward the aisle and ending at the rear left post of the four central ones.
In the face of this stone wall are three concavities—fireplaces over which cooking pots are placed. Arranged along the outer wall, and about 2 feet high, is a board shelf on which the water jars are kept. At the right of the aisle, as one enters the building, is a broad shelf about 12 feet long; in width it extends from the side wall to the two right central posts. Beneath it are stored the small cages or coops in which the chickens Page 57 sleep at night. In the rear of the building is a board partition apparently extending from one side wall to the other.
The bench at the right of the aisle ends against this partition, and on the left the stone fireplaces are built against it. At the rear of the aisle a door 3 feet high and 1 foot 4 inches wide swings into this rear apartment, which, when the door is again closed, is as black as night. An examination of the inside of this section shows it to be entirely walled with stones except where the narrow door cuts it.
By inside measure it is only 3 feet 6 inches wide and 6 feet 6 inches long. As one crawls into this kennel he is likely to place his hands among ashes and charred sticks which mark the place for a fire on cold nights. Each board is about 18 inches wide and 4 feet long; they are raised 2 or 3 inches from the earth, and the head of the bed is slightly higher than the foot.
A pole is laid across the apartment at the lower end of the sleeping boards, and on this the occupants rest their feet and toast them before the small fire. I should probably not have discovered these spaces had there not been so great a discrepancy between the inside measure of the sleeping room and width of the building.
I know of no other primitive dwellings in the Philippines than the ones in the Bontoc culture area which are built directly on the ground. Most of them are raised on posts several feet from the earth. Some few have side walls extending to the ground, but even those have a floor raised 2, 3, or more feet from the ground and which is reached by means of a short ladder. The second story of the Bontoc dwelling is supported on the four central posts. On all sides it projects beyond them, so that it is about 7 feet square ; it is about 5 feet high. A door enters the second story directly from the aisle, and is reached by an 8-foot ladder.
This second story is constructed, floor and side walls, of boards. The side walls cease at about the height of 2 feet where a horizontal shelf is built on them extending outside of them to the roof. It is about 2 feet wide and is usually stored with unthreshed rice and millet or with jars of preserved meats. Just at the left on the floor, as one enters the second story, is an earth-filled square corner walled in by two poles. On this Page 58 earth are three stones—the fireplace, where each year a chicken is cooked in a household ceremony at the close of rice harvests. Rising above the second story is a third.
In the smaller dwellings this third story is only an attic of the second, but in the larger buildings it is an independent story. To be sure, it is entered through the floor, but a ladder is used, and its floor is of strong heavy boards. It is at all times a storeroom, usually only for cereals. In the larger houses a person may climb into the third story and work there with practically as much freedom as in the second. The 5-foot ridgepole of the steep, heavy, grass roof is supported by two posts rising from the basal timbers of the third story.
The roof falls away sharply from the ridgepole not only at the sides but at the ends, so that, except at the ridge, the roof appears square. Immediately beneath both ends of the ridgepole there is a small opening in the grass through which the smoke of the cooking fires is supposed to escape. However, I have scarcely ever seen smoke issue from them, and, since the entire inner part of the building from the floor of the second story to the ridgepole is thickly covered with soot, it seems that little unconsumed carbon escapes through the smoke holes.
Its lower edge is about 4 feet from the ground and projects some 4 feet beyond the side walls of the lower story. Piled close around the dwellings is a supply of firewood in the shape of pine blocks 3 or 4 feet long, usually cut from large trees. These blocks furnish favorite lounging places for the women. The people live most of the time outside their dwellings, and it is there that the social life of the married women is.
The men are seldom with them, being about the ato buildings in the daytime when not working. A few small children may be about the dwelling, as the little girls frequently help in preparing food for cooking. During the day the dwelling is much alone. When it is so left one and Page 59 sometimes two runo stalks are set up in the earth on each side of the door leaning against the roof and projecting some 8 feet in the air.
Bontoc families are monogamous, and monogamy is the rule throughout the area, though now and then a man has two wives. The presidente of Titipan has five wives, for each of whom he has a separate house, and during my residence in Bontoc he was building a sixth house for a new wife; but such a family is the exception—I never heard of another. Many marriage unions produce eight and ten children, though, since the death rate is large, it is probable that families do not average more than six individuals.
A woman is usually about her daily labors in the house, the mountains, or the irrigated fields almost to the hour of childbirth. The child is born without feasting or ceremony, and only two or three friends witness the birth. The expectant woman stands with her body bent strongly forward at the waist and supported by the hands grasping some convenient house timber about the height of the hips; or she may take a more animal-like position, placing both hands and feet on the earth. During a period of ten days after childbirth the mother frequently bathes herself about the hips and abdomen with hot water, but has no change of diet.
For two or three days she keeps the house closely, reclining much of the time. The Igorot woman is a constant laborer from the age of puberty or before, until extreme incapacity of old age stays the hands of toil; but for two or three months following the advent of each babe the mother does not work in the fields.
She busies herself about the house and with the new-found duties of a mother, while the husband performs her labors in the fields. People in the Page 60 Igorot stage of culture have little occasion to prize one sex over the other.
The Bontoc Igorot / by Albert Ernest Jenks.
The Igorot neither, even in marriage. One is practically as capable as the other at earning a living, and both are needed in the group. Six or seven days after birth a chicken is killed and eaten by the family in honor of the child, but there is no other ceremony—there is not even a special name for the feast. If a woman gives birth to a stillborn child it is at once washed, wrapped in a bit of cloth, and buried in a camote sementera close to the dwelling. Carabaos have only one babe at a birth, so why should women have two babes?
Thus the breaking down of this peculiar form of infanticide may have begun. Both married and unmarried women practice abortion when for any reason the prospective child is not desired. Abortion is accomplished without the use of drugs and is successful only during the first eight or ten weeks of pregnancy. The abdomen is bathed for several days in hot water, and the body is pressed and stroked downward with the hands.
The foetus is buried by the woman. Only the woman herself or her mother or other near female friend is present at the abortion, though no effort is made at secrecy and its practice is no disgrace. The babes are always unclothed, and for several months are washed daily in cold water, usually both morning and night. It is a common sight at the river to see the mother, who has come down with her babe on her back for an olla of water, bathe the babe, who never seems at all frightened in the process, but to enjoy it—this, too, at times when the water would seem to be uncomfortably cold.
One often sees the father or grandmother washing the older babes at the river. But in spite of these baths the Igorot babe, at least after it has reached the age of six or eight months, when seen in the pueblo is almost without exception very dirty; a child of a year or a year and a half is usually repulsively so. Its head has received no attention since birth, and is scaly and dirty if not actually full of sores.
Its baths are now relatively infrequent, and its need of them as it plays on the dirt floor of the dwelling or pabafunan even more urgent than when it spent most of its time in the carrying blanket. Babes have no cradles or stationary places for rest or sleep. A babe, slumbering or awake, is never laid down alone because of the fear that an anito will injure it. It spends its days almost without exception sitting in a blanket which is tied over the shoulder of one of its parents, its brother, or its sister. There it hangs, awake or asleep, sitting or sprawling, often a pitiable little object with the sun in its eyes and the flies hovering over its dirty face.
Frequently a child of only 5 or 6 years old may be seen with a babe on its back, and older children are constant baby tenders. Babes may be found in the fawi and pabafunan where the men are lounging Pl. XXXII , and the old men and women also care for their grandchildren. Grown people quite as commonly carry the babe astride one hip if they have an empty hand which they can put around it, and often a mother along the trail carries it at her breast where it seemingly nurses as contentedly as when in the shade of the dwelling. After the child is about 2 years of age it is not customary for it to sleep longer at the home of the parents; the girl goes nightly to the olag, and the boy to the pabafunan or the fawi.
However, this is not a hard-and-fast rule, and the age at which the child goes to the olag or fawi depends much on circumstances. The length of time it sleeps with the parents doubtless depends upon the advent or nonadvent of another child. If a little girl has a widowed grandmother or aunt she may sleep for a few years with her. It is safe to say that after the ages of 6 or 7 all children are found nightly in the olag, pabafunan, or fawi.
I have seen a group of little girls from 4 to 10 years old, immediately after supper and while some families were still eating, sitting around a small blaze of fire just outside the door of their olag. There is almost an entire absence of anything which may be called home life. The Igorot has no definite system of naming. Parents may frequently change the name of a child, and an individual may change his during maturity. There are several reasons why names are changed, but there is no system, nor is it ever necessary to change them.
A child usually receives its first personal name between the years of 2 and 5. This first name is always that of some dead ancestor, usually only two or three generations past. The reason for this is the belief that the anito of the ancestor cares for and protects its descendants when they are abroad. If the name a child bears is that of a dead ancestor it will receive the protection of the anito of the ancestor; if the child does not prosper or has accidents or ill health, the parents will seek a more careful or more benevolent protector in the anito of some other ancestor whose name is given the child.
A man may change his name each time he takes a head, though it is not customary to do so more than once or twice. Girls as well as boys may receive during childhood two or three names, that they may receive the protection of an anito. In Igorot names there is no vestige of a kinship group tracing relation through either the paternal or maternal line.
Most boys are circumcised at from 4 to 7 years of age. The only formality is the payment of a few leaves of tobacco to the man who performs the operation. There are one or two old men in each ato who understand circumcision, but there is no cult for its performance or perpetuation. The foreskin is cut lengthwise on the upper side for half an inch.
Either a sharp, blade-like piece of bamboo is inserted in the foreskin which is cut from the inside, or the back point of a battle-ax is stuck firmly in the earth, and the foreskin is cut by being drawn over the sharp point of the blade. The Igorot say that if the foreskin is not cut it will grow long, as does the unclipped camote vine. What the origin or purpose of circumcision was is not now known by the people of Bontoc. The practice is Page 64 believed to have come with them from an earlier home; it is widespread in the Archipelago. The life of little girls is strangely devoid of games and playthings.
They have no dolls and, I have never seen them play with the puppies which are scattered throughout the pueblo much of the year—both common playthings for the girls of primitive people. It is not improbable that the instinct which compels most girls, no matter what their grade of culture, to play the mother is given full expression in the necessary care of babes—a care in which the girls, often themselves almost babes, have a much larger part than their brothers.
Girls also go to the fields with their parents much more than do the boys. Girls and boys never play together in the same group. Time and again one comes suddenly on a romping group of chattering, naked little boys or girls. They usually run noiselessly into the nearest foliage or behind the nearest building, and there stand unmoving, as a pursued chicken pokes its head into the grass and seems to think itself hidden.
They need not be afraid of one, seeing him every day, yet the instinct to flee is strong in them—they do exactly what their mothers do when suddenly met in the trail—they run away, or start to. Several times I have found little girls building tiny sementeras with pebbles, and it is probable they play at planting and harvesting the crops common to their pueblo. They laid aside their blankets and lined up nude in two opposing lines twelve or fifteen feet apart. Immediately the two lines crouched on their haunches, and, in half-sitting posture, with feet side by side, each girl bounced toward her opponent endeavoring to catch her ankle.
After the two attacking parties met they intermingled, running and tumbling, chasing and chased, and the successful girl rapidly dragged her victim by the ankle along the grass until caught and thrown by a relief party or driven away by the approach of superior numbers. They lined up anew every five or ten minutes. During the entire game, lasting a full half hour or until night settled on them or a mother came to take home one of the little, romping, wild things—just as the American child is called from her games to an early bed—peal after peal of the heartiest, sweetest laughter rang a constant chorus.
Page 65 The boys have at least two systematic games. The game is a combat with rocks, and is played sometimes by thirty or forty boys, sometimes by a much smaller number. The game is a contest—usually between Bontoc and Samoki—with the broad, gravelly river bed as the battle ground. There they charge and retreat as one side gains or loses ground; the rocks fly fast and straight, and are sometimes warded off by small basket-work shields shaped like the wooden ones of war.
They sometimes play for an hour and a half at a time, and I have not yet seen them play when one side was not routed and driven home on the run amid the shouts of the victors. It is also a game of combat and of opposing sides, but it is not so dangerous as the other and there are no bruises resulting.
The naked foot necessitates a different kick than the one shod with a rigid leather shoe; the stroke from an unshod foot is more like a blow from the fist shot out from the shoulder. The foot lands flat and at the side of or behind the kicker, and the blow is aimed at the trunk or head—it usually lands higher than the hips. This game in a combat between individuals of the opposing sides, though two often attack a single opponent until he is rescued by a companion.
The game is over when the retreating side no longer advances to the combat. The boys are constantly throwing reed spears, and they are fairly expert spearmen several years before they have a steel-bladed spear of their own. Frequently they roll the spherical grape fruit and throw their reeds at the fruit as it passes. Here, there, and everywhere, singly or in groups, boys perform the Igorot dance step.
As the boys come stringing home at night from watching the palay fields, they come dancing, rhythmically beating a can, or two sticks, or their dinner basket, or beating time in the air—as though they held a gangsa 8. The dance is in them, and they amuse themselves with it constantly. Both boys and girls are much in the river, where they swim and dive with great frolic. During the months of January and February, , when there was much wind, the boys were daily flying kites, but it is a pastime borrowed of the Ilokano in the pueblo.
Now and then a little fellow may be seen with a small, very rude bow and arrow, which also is borrowed from the Ilokano since the arrival of the Spaniard. Puberty is reached relatively late, usually between the fourteenth and sixteenth years. No notice whatever is taken of it by the social group. There is neither feast nor rite to mark the event either for the individual or the group. This nonobservance of the fact of puberty would be very remarkable, since its observance is so widespread among primitive people, were it not for the fact that the Igorot has developed the olag—an institution calculated to emphasize the fact and significance of puberty.
A common sight on a rest day in the pueblo is that of a young man and woman, each with an arm around the other, loitering about under the same blanket, talking and laughing, one often almost supporting the other. There seems at all times to be the greatest freedom and friendliness among the young people. I have seen both a young man carrying a young woman lying horizontally along his shoulders, and a young woman carrying a young man astride her back.
The courtship of the Igorot is closely defined when it is said that marriage never takes place prior to sexual intimacy, and rarely prior to pregnancy. There is one exception. This is when a rich and influential man marries a girl against her desires, but through the urgings of her parents. It is customary for a young man to be sexually intimate with one, two, three, and even more girls at the same time. When a girl recognizes her pregnancy she at once joyfully tells her condition to the father of the child, as all women desire children and there are few permanent marriages unblessed by them.
The young man, if he does not wish to marry the girl, may keep her in ignorance Page 67 of his intentions for two or three months. If at last he tells her he will not marry her she receives the news with many tears, it is said, but is spared the gossip and reproach of others, and she will later become the wife of some other man, since her first child has proved her power to bear children.
When the mother notices her condition she asks who the father of the child is, and on being told that the man will not marry her the mother often tries to exert a rather tardy influence for better morals. Why have you done this? Why have you done it? Why do you not marry her?
He is usually welcomed by the girl, for there may yet be possibilities of her becoming his permanent wife. Whereas there is practically no sense of modesty among the people, I have never seen anything lewd. Though there is no such thing as virtue, in the modern sense of the word, among the young people after puberty, children before puberty are said to be virtuous, and the married woman is said always to be true to her husband. Amongst most of the tribes [Igorot] the chastity of maidens is carefully guarded, and in some all the young girls are kept together till marriage in a large house where, guarded by old women, they are taught the industries of their sex, such as weaving, pleating, making cloth from the bark of trees, etc.
There is no such institution in Bontoc Igorot society. The ethics of the group forbid certain unions in marriage. A man may not marry his mother, his stepmother, or a sister of either. He may not marry his daughter, stepdaughter, or adopted daughter. Sexual intercourse between persons in the above relations is considered incest, and does not often occur. The line of kin does not appear to be traced as far as second cousin, and between such there are no restrictions. Rich people often pledge their small children in marriage, though, as elsewhere in the world, love, instead of the plans of parents, is generally the foundation of the family.
In February, , the rich people of Bontoc were quite stirred up over the sequel to a marriage plan projected some fifteen years before. Two families then pledged their children. The boy grew to be a man of large stature, while the girl was much smaller. The man wished to marry another young woman, who fought the first girl when visited by her to talk over the matter. Then the blind mother of the pledged girl went to the dwelling, accompanied by her brother, one of the richest men in the pueblo, whereupon the father and mother of the successful girl knocked them down and beat them.
To all appearances the young lovers will marry in spite of the early pledges of parents. They say such quarrels are common. If a man wishes to marry a woman and she shares his desire, or if on her becoming pregnant he desires to marry her, he speaks with her parents and with his. If either of her parents objects, no marriage occurs; but he does not usually falter, even though his parents do object. The olag is no longer for her. In her case it has served its ultimate purpose—it has announced her puberty and proved her powers of womanhood.
In the case of a desire of marriage before the girl is pregnant she usually sleeps in the olag, as in the past, and the young man spends most of his nights with her. It is customary for the couple to take their meals with the parents of the girl, in which case the young man gives his labors to the family.
The period of his labors is usually less than a year, since it is customary for him to give his affections Page 69 to another girl within a year if the first one does not become pregnant. In other words their union is a true trial union. The ceremony is in two parts.
Thou, Lumawig! They wish to be blessed with many children. When they possess pigs, may they grow large. When they cultivate their palay, may it have large fruitheads. May their chickens also grow large. When they plant their beans may they spread over the ground, May they dwell quietly together in harmony. The two-day marriage ceremony of the rich is very festive. The parents kill a wild carabao, as well as chickens and pigs, and the entire pueblo comes to feast and dance. Each party to the, marriage receives some property at the time from the parents. There are no women in Bontoc pueblo who have not entered into the trial union, though all have not succeeded in reaching the ceremony of permanent marriage.
However, notwithstanding all their standards and trials, there are several happy permanent marriages which have never been blessed with children. There are only two men in Bontoc who have never been married and who never entered the trial stage, and both are deaf and dumb. The people of Bontoc say they never knew a man and woman to separate if a child was born to the pair and it lived and they had recognized themselves married.
But, as the marriage is generally prompted because a child is to be born, so an unfruitful union is generally broken in the hope that another will be more successful. If either party desires to break the contract the other seldom objects. If they agree to separate, the woman usually remains in their dwelling and the man builds himself another. However, if either person objects, it is the other who relinquishes the dwelling—the man because he can build another and the woman because she seldom seeks separation unless she knows of a home in which she will be welcome.
Nothing in the nature of alimony, except the dwelling, is commonly given by either party to a divorce. There are two exceptions—in case a party deserts he forfeits to the other one or more rice sementeras or other property of considerable value; and, again, if the woman bore her husband a child which died he must give her a sementera if he leaves her. If either party to a marriage dies the other does not remarry for one year. There is no penalty enforced by the group for an earlier marriage, but the custom is firmly fixed. Should the surviving person marry within a year he would die, being killed by an anito whose business it is to punish such sacrilege.
The widowed frequently remarry, as there are certain advantages in their married life. It is quite impossible for a man or woman alone to perform the entire round of Igorot labors. The hours of labor for the lone person must usually be long and tiresome. Most of the widowed live in the katyufong, the smaller dwelling of the poor. The reason for this is that even if one has owned the better class of dwelling, the fayu, it is generally given to a child at marriage, the smaller house being sufficient and suitable for the lone person, especially as the widowed very frequently take their meals with some married child.
Orphans without homes of their own become members of the household of an uncle or aunt or other near relative. The property they received from their parents is used by the family into whose home they go. Upon marriage the children receive the property as it was left them, the annual increase having gone to the family which cared for them. If there are no relatives, orphans with property readily find a home; if there are neither relatives nor property, some family receives the children more as servants than as equals. When they are married they are usually not given more than a dwelling.
There are few old and infirm persons who have not living relatives. Among these relatives are usually descendants who have been materially benefited by property accumulated or kept intact by their aged kin. It is the universal custom for relatives to feed and otherwise care for the aged.
Not much can be done for the infirm, and infirmity is the beginning of the end with all except the blind. The chances are that the old who have no relatives have at least a little property. Such persons are readily cared for by some family which uses the property at the time and falls heir to it when the owner Page 71 dies. There are a very few blind persons who have neither relatives nor property, and these are cared for by families which offer assistance, and two of these old blind men beg rice from dwelling to dwelling.
Igorot society contains no person who is so malevolent as to cause another sickness, insanity, or death. As a people the Bontoc Igorot are healthful. It is seldom that an epidemic reaches them; bubonic plague and leprosy are unknown to them. The men at times suffer with malaria. They go to the low west coast as cargadors or as primitive merchants, and they return to their mountain country enervated by the heat, their systems filled with impure water, and their blood teeming with mosquito-planted malaria. They get down with fever, lose their appetite, neither know the value of nor have the medicines of civilization, their minds are often poisoned with the superstitious belief that they will die—and they do die in from three days to two months.
In February, , three cargadors died within two weeks after returning from the coast. Igorot pueblos promptly and effectually quarantine against these diseases. When a settlement is afflicted with either of them it shuts its doors to all outsiders—even using force if necessary; but force is seldom demanded, as other pueblos at once forbid their people to enter the afflicted settlement. The ravages of typhus and typhoid fever may be imagined among a people who have no remedies for them. If rice has been stored in the palay houses until it is sweated it is in every way a healthful, nutritious food, but when eaten before it sweats it often produces diarrhea, usually leading to an acute bloody dysentery which is often followed by vomiting and a sudden collapse—as in Asiatic cholera.
There are many and wide differences even in important culturalexpressions which are due to environment, long isolation, and in some cases to Page29ideas and processes borrowed from different neighboring peoples. Very misleadingstatements have sometimes been made in regard to the Igorot—customs from differentgroups have been jumbled together in one description until a man has been pictured whocan not be found anywhere. All except the most general statements are worse than wastedunless a particular group is designated. An illustration of some of the differences between groups of typical Igorot will make thisclearer.
I select as examples the people of Bontoc and the adjoining Quiangan district innorthern Nueva Vizcaya Province, both of whom are commonly known as Igorot. It mustbe noted that the people of both areas are practically unmodified by modern culture andboth are constant head-hunters. With scarcely one exception Bontoc pueblos are singleclusters of buildings; in Banawi pueblo of the Quiangan area there are eleven separategroups of dwellings, each group situated on a prominence which may be easily protectedby the inhabitants against an enemy below them; and other Quiangan pueblos are As will be brought out in succeeding chapters, the social and politicalinstitutions of the two peoples differ widely.
In Bontoc the head weapon is a battle-ax, inQuiangan it is a long knife. Most of the head-hunting practices of the two peoples aredifferent, especially as to the disposition of the skulls of the victims. Bontoc men weartheir hair long, and have developed a small pocket-hat to confine the hair and containsmall objects carried about; the men of Quiangan wear their hair short, have nothingwhatever of the nature of the pocket-hat, but have developed a unique hand bag which isused as a pocket. In the Quiangan area a highly conventionalized wood-carving art hasdeveloped—beautiful eating spoons with figures of men and women carved on thehandles and food bowls cut in animal figures are everywhere found; while in Bontoc onlythe most crude and artless wood carving is made.
In language there is such a differencethat Bontoc men who accompanied me into the northern part of the large Quiangan area,only a long day from Bontoc pueblo, could not converse with Quiangan men, even aboutsuch common things as travelers in a strange territory need to learn. It is because of the many differences in cultural expressions between even small andneighboring communities of the primitive people of the Philippine Archipelago that Iwish to be understood in this paper as speaking of the one group—the Bontoc Igorotculture group; a group however, in every essential typical of the numerous Igorot peoplesof the mountains of northern Luzon.
Page Imperata arundicea. Manila,Observatory Printing Office, This wasprobably too large an estimate, and it is undoubtedly an overestimate for the Bontocculture area, the northern border of which is farther south than the border of the SpanishBontoc area. The area is well in the center of northern Luzon and is cut off by watersheds from otherterritory, except on the northeast. The most prominent of these watersheds is PolisMountain, extending along the eastern and southern sides of the area; it is supposed toreach a height of over 7, feet.
The western watershed is an undifferentiated range ofthe Cordillera Central. To the north stretches a large area of the present Province ofBontoc, though until most of that northern territory was embraced in the Provinceof Abra.
The Province of Isabela lies to the east; Nueva Vizcaya and Lepanto border thearea on the south, and Lepanto and Abra border it on the west. The Bontoc culture area lies entirely in the mountains, and, with the exception of twopueblos, it is all drained northeastward into the Rio Grande de Cagayan by one river, theRio Chico de Cagayan; but the Rio Sibbu, coursing more directly eastward, is aconsiderable stream.
To-day one main trail enters Bontoc Province. It was originally built by the Spaniards,and enters Bontoc pueblo from the southwest, leading up from Cervantes in LepantoProvince. From Cervantes there are two trails to the coast. One passes southward throughBaguio in Benguet Province and then stretches westward, terminating on the coast at SanFernando, in Union Province. The other, the one most commonly traveled to Bontoc,passes to the northwest, terminating on the coast at Candon, in the Province of Ilokos Sur. The main trail, entering Bontoc Page 31from Cervantes, passes through the pueblo andextends to the northeast, quite closely following the trend of the Chico River.
In Spanishtimes it was seldom traveled farther than Bassao, but several parties of Americans havebeen over it as far as the Rio Grande de Cagayan since November, A second trail,also of Spanish origin, but now practically unused, enters the area from the south andconnects Bontoc pueblo, its northern terminus, with the valley of the Magat River farsouth. The main trail is to-day passable for a horseman from the coast terminus to Tinglayan,three days beyond Bontoc pueblo. Practically all other trails in the area are simply wildfootpaths of the Igorot. The first half of thetrail passes over flat land, with here and there small pueblos surrounded by ricesementeras.
There are almost no forests. The latter half is through the coastal hill area,and the trail frequently passes through small forests; it crosses several rivers, dangerousto ford in the rainy season, and winds in and out among attractive hills bearing clumps ofgraceful, plume-like bamboo. From Concepcion the trail leads up the mountain to Tilud Pass, historic since theinsurrection because of the brave stand made there by the young, ill-fated General delPilar.
The climb to Tilud Pass, from either side of the mountain, is one of the longest andmost tedious in northern Luzon. The trail frequently turns short on itself, so that the frontand rear parts of a pack train are traveling face to face, and one end is not more than eightor ten rods above the other on the side of the mountain. The last view of the sea from the Candon-Bontoc trail is obtained at Tilud Pass.
From Concepcion to Angaki, at the base ofthe mountain on the eastern side of the pass, the trail is about half a day long. From thepass it is a ceaseless drop down the steep mountain, but affords the most charming viewsof mountain scenery in northern Luzon. The shifting direction of the turning trail and thevarious altitudes of the traveler present constantly changing scenes—mountains andmountains ramble on before one. From Angaki to Cervantes the trail passes overdeforested rolling mountain land, with safe drinking water in only one small spring. Many travelers who pass that part of the journey in the middle of the day complain loudlyof the heat and thirst experienced there.
Cervantes, said to be 70 miles from Candon, is the capital of the dual Province ofLepanto-Bontoc. Bontoc pueblo lies inland only about 35 miles farther, but the greaterpart of two days is usually required to reach it. Twenty minutes will carry a horsemandown the bluff from Cervantes, across the swift Abra—if the stream is fordable—andstart him on the eastward mountain climb. Page 32The first pueblo beyond Cervantes is Cayan, the old Spanish capital of the district. Abouttwenty-five years ago the site was changed from Cayan to Cervantes because there wasnot sufficient suitable land at Cayan.
Cayan is about four hours from Cervantes, andevery foot of the trail is up the mountain. Up and up the mountain one climbs from about 1, feet atCervantes to about 6, feet among the pines, and then slowly descends, having crossedthe boundary line between Lepanto and Bontoc subprovinces to the pueblo of Bagnen—the last one before the Bontoc culture area is entered. It is customary to spend the nighton the trail, as one goes into Bontoc, either at Bagnen or at Sagada, a pueblo about twohours farther on. Only along the top of the high mountain, before Bagnen is reached, does the trail passthrough a forest—otherwise it is always climbing up or winding about the mountainsdeforested probably by fires.
Practically all the immediate territory on the right hand ofthe trail between Bagnen and Sagada is occupied by the beautifully terraced ricesementeras of Balugan; the valley contains more than a thousand acres so cultivated. AtSagada lime rocks—some eroded into gigantic, massive forms, others into fantastic spiresand domes—everywhere crop out from the grassy hills. Up and down the mountains thetrail leads, passing another small pine forest near Ankiling and Titipan, about four hoursfrom Bontoc, and then creeps on and at last through the terraced entrance way into themountain pocket where Bontoc pueblo lies, about miles from the western coast, and,by Government aneroid barometer, about 2, feet above the sea.
Marks of Bontoc cultureIt is difficult and often impossible to state the essential difference in culture whichdistinguishes one group of people from another. It is more difficult to draw lines ofdistinction, for the culture of one group almost imperceptibly flows into that of anotheradjoining it. However, two fundamental institutions of the people of Bontoc seem to differ from thoseof most adjoining people. One of these institutions has to do with the control of thepueblo.
InBenguet Province the headman is found in every pueblo, and he is so powerful that heoften dominates half a dozen outlying barrios to the extent that he receives a large share,often one-half, of the output of all the productive labors of the barrio. Immediately northof the Bontoc area, in Tinglayan, the headman is again found.
He has no place whateverin Bontoc. The pueblo is a loose federation of smaller political groups. The other institution is a social development. It is the olag, an institution of trial marriage. It is not known to exist among adjoining people, but is found throughout the area inwhich the intugtukan exists; they are apparently coextensive. I was repeatedly informedthat the olag is not found in the Banawi area south of Bontoc, or in the Tinglayan areaeast, or among the Tinguian to the north, or in Benguet far southwest, or in Lepantoimmediately southwest—though I have some reason to believe that both the intugtukanand olag exist in a crumbling way among certain Lepanto Igorot.
Besides these two institutions there are other differing marks of culture between theBontoc area and adjoining people. Some of these were suggested a few pages back,others will appear in following pages. Without doubt the limits of the spread of the common culture have been determinedmainly by the physiography of the country.
One of the two pueblos in the area not on thecommon drainage system is Lias, but Lias was largely built by a migration from Bontocpueblo—the hotbed of Bontoc culture. Barlig, the other pueblo not on the commondrainage system both Barlig and Lias are on the Sibbu River , lies between Lias and theother pueblos of the Bontoc culture area, and so naturally has been drawn in line and heldin line with the culture of the geographic area in which it is located—its institutions arethose of its environment.
To the northwest their culture extends to that of thehistoric Tinguian, a long-haired folk physiographically cut off by a watershed. Theeastern limit of Bontoc culture is fixed by the pueblos of Lias and Barlig, and is thusabout coextensive with the province. Southward the area includes all to the top of thewatershed of Polis Mountain, which turns southward the numerous streams feeding theRio Magat. The pueblos south of this watershed—Lubong, Gisang, Banawi, etc. To the west Bontoc culture extends to thewatershed of the Cordillera Central, which turns westward the various affluents of theRio del Abra.
On the southwest this cuts off the short-haired Lepanto Igorot, whoseculture seems to be more allied to that of Benguet than Bontoc. She has still another set of names for the people surrounding her—people whom shevaguely knows are there but of whom or of whose lands she has no first-hand knowledge. Some of the old men of Bontoc say that in the past the Igorot people once extended to theseacoast in the Provinces of Ilokos Norte and Ilokos Sur. This, of course, is a tradition ofthe prehistoric time before the Ilokano invaded northern Luzon; but, as has been stated,the Bontoc people claim never to have been driven by that invasion, neither have theyany knowledge of such a movement.
It is not improbable, however, Page 35that traditionsof the invasion may linger with the people nearer the coast and farther north. Historical sketchIt is regretted that the once voluminous historical records and data which the Spaniardsprepared and kept at Bontoc were burned—tons of paper, they say—probably late in or early in by Captain Angels, an insurrecto. However, from scanty printedhistorical data, but mostly from information gathered in Bontoc from Igorot and residentIlokano, the following brief sketch is presented, with the hope that it will show the natureof the outside influences which have been about Bontoc for the past half century prior toAmerican occupation.
It is believed that the data are sufficiently truthful for this purpose,but no claim is made for historical accuracy. Diego de Salcedo, sent an expedition from Manila into northern Luzon. Some timeduring the three years the expedition was out its influence was felt in Fidelisan andTanolang, two pueblos in the western part of the Bontoc culture area, for history saysthey paid tribute.
After the year expeditions occasionally reached Cayan, which, until about twenty-five years ago, as has been stated, was a Spanish capital. The time agrees very accurately with thetime of the establishment of the district. From then until there was a Spanishgarrison of or men stationed in Bontoc pueblo.
Christian Ilokano from the westcoast of northern Luzon and the Christian Tagalog from Manila and vicinity were thesoldiers. Alarge garrison was quartered in Cervantes; there was a church in both Bontoc andCervantes. Farther to the east was a post at Tukukan andSakasakan, and farther east, at Basao, there was a post, a church, and a priest.
Most of the pueblos had Ilokano presidentes. The Igorot say that the Spaniards did littlefor them except to shoot them. There is yet a long, heavy wooden stock in Bontoc puebloin which the Igorot were imprisoned.
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Igorot women were made the mistresses of bothofficers and soldiers. Work, food, fuel, and lumber were not always paid for. All persons18 or more years old were required to pay an annual tax of 50 cents or an equivalentvalue in rice. In wild towns the principal men were told to If it was not allbrought in, the soldiers frequently went for it, accompanied by Igorot warriors; theygathered up the rice, and sometimes burned the entire pueblo. Apad, the principal man ofTinglayan, was confined six years in Spanish jails at Bontoc and Vigan because herepeatedly failed to compel his people to bring in the amount of palay assessed them.
They say there were three small guardhouses on the outskirts of Bontoc pueblo, andarmed Igorot from an outside town were not allowed to enter. They were disarmed, andcame and went under guard. The Spanish comandantes in charge of the province seem to have remained only abouttwo years each.
Saldero was the last one. Early in the eighties of the nineteenth centurythe comandante took his command to Barlig, a day east of Bontoc, to punish that townbecause it had killed people in Tulubin and Samoki; Barlig all but exterminated thecommand—only three men escaped to tell the tale. Mandicota, a Spanish officer, wentfrom Manila with a battalion of 1, soldiers to erase Barlig from the map; he was alsoaccompanied from Bontoc by warriors from that vicinity. The Barlig people fled tothe mountains, losing only seven men, whose heads the Bontoc Igorot cut off and broughthome.
Comandante Villameres is reported to have taken twenty soldiers and about warriorsof Bontoc and Samoki to punish Tukukan for killing a Samoki woman; the warriorsreturned with three heads. They say that in Comandante Alfaro took 40 soldiers and 1, warriors from thevicinity of Bontoc to Ankiling; sixty heads adorned the triumphant return of the warriors.
In Nevas is said to have taken soldiers and warriors to Sadanga; theybrought back one head. The Spanish garrison fled before the insurrectos; the Spanishcivilians went with them, taking their flocks and herds to Bontoc. The Bontoc Igorot assisted the insurrectos in many ways when they first came. About 2miles west of Bontoc is a Spanish rifle pit, and there the Spanish soldiers, now swelled toabout men, lay in wait for the insurrectos. There on two hilltops an historic shambattle occurred.
The two forces were nearly a mile apart, and at that distance theyexchanged rifle bullets three days. The Spaniards finally surrendered, on condition of safeescort to the coast. For fifty years they had conquered their enemy who were armed only However, the really hardpressing came from the rear—there were still the ax and spear—and few soldiers fromcuartel or trench who tried to bring food or water for the fighting men ever reported whythey were delayed.
All but thirteen arrived in safety. They are not ashamed oftheir defeat and retreat; they made a mistake when they went to fight the Americans, andthey were quick to see it. They are largely blessed with the saving sense of humor, andsome of the warriors who were at Caloocan have been known to say that they neverstopped running until they arrived home. When these men told their people in Bontoc what part they and the insurrectos played inthe fight against the Americans, the tension between the Igorot and insurrectos was at itsgreatest.
The insurrectos were evidently worse than the Spaniards. They did all the thingsthe Spaniards had done, and more—they robbed through falsehood. Consequently,insurrectos frequently lost their heads. Major Marsh went through Bontoc close after Aguinaldo in December, The Igorotbefriended the Americans; they brought them food and guided them faithfully along thebewildering mountain trails when the insurrectos split and scattered—anywhere,everywhere, fleeing eastward, northward, southward, in the mountains. When Major Marsh returned through Bontoc, after following Page 38Aguinaldo into theheart of the Quiangan area, he left in the pueblo some sixty shoeless men under avolunteer lieutenant.
They persecuted the Igoroteven worse than had the insurrectos. They seemed to have the American Army behindthem—and the Igorot stood in awe of American arms. The crisis came. An Igorot obtained possession of one of the guns, and the Ilokano chiefof police was killed and his corporal wounded. This shooting, at the time apparently unpremeditated, but, in reality, carefully plannedand successfully executed, was the cause of the arrival in Bontoc pueblo of the firstAmerican civilians.
At that time a party of twenty Americans was at Fidelisan, a long daynorthwest of Bontoc; they were prospecting and sightseeing. The Ilokano sent these mena letter, and the Igorot sent a messenger, begging them to come to the help of the pueblo. Three men went on August 27, ; they were Truman K. Hunt, M. FrankFinley, and Mr. The disagreement was settled, and several Ilokano families leftBontoc under the protection of Mr. About that time anotherAmerican civilian came to the province—Mr. Reuben H. Morley, now secretary-treasurerof the Province of Nueva Vizcaya, who lived nearly a year in Tulubin, two hours fromBontoc.
December 14 Mr. Smith, an American teacher, was sent to Bontoc toopen a school. Early in Constabulary inspectors, Lieutenants Louis A. Powless and Ernest A. Eckman, also came. Hunt was appointed lieutenant-governor of the province. May 1, , Dr. Hunt resigned and E. Wagar, M. The Spaniard was in Bontoc about fifty years. To summarize the Spanish influence on theIgorot—and this includes any influence which the Ilokano or Tagalog may have hadsince they came among the people under Spanish protection—it is believed that noessential institution of the Igorot has been weakened or vitiated to any appreciabledegree.
No Igorot attended the school which the Spaniards had in Bontoc; to-day not tenIgorot of the pueblo can make themselves understood in Spanish about the commonestthings around them. The Spaniard put the institution of pueblo presidente pretty well throughout the area nowin province, but the presidente in no way interferes with the routine life of the people—heis the mouthpiece of the Government asking for labor and the daily necessities of anonproductive, resident foreign population.
In no other way was the political life andorganization of the pueblo affected. In the realm of religion and spirit belief the surfacehas scarcely been scratched. The only Igorot who became Christians were the wives ofsome of the Christian natives who came in with the Spaniard, mainly as soldiers. Thereare now eight or ten such women, wives of the resident Ilokanos of Bontoc pueblo, butthose whose husbands left the pueblo have reverted to Igorot faith.
In the matter of war and head-hunting the effect of the Spaniard was to intensify thenatural instinct of the Igorot in and about Bontoc pueblo. Nineteen men in twenty ofBontoc and Samoki have taken a human head, and it has been seen under what conditionsand influences some of those heads were taken. An Igorot, whose confidence I believe Ihave, an old man who represents the knowledge and wisdom of the people, told me The Igorot is a naturalhead-hunter, and his training for the last sixty years seems to have done little more forhim than whet this appetite.
Again and again one is deceived by their height, and herepeatedly backs a 5-footinch Igorot up against a 6-foot American, vainly expectingthe stature of the brown man to equal that of the white. The following tablepresents the average measurements of the thirty-two men:Average measurements of Bontoc men Measurements Cm.
Stature Among the thirty-twomen the extremes of cephalic index are This first measurement is of ayoung man between 20 and 25 years of age. It stands far removed from othermeasurements, the one nearest it being The otherextreme is Amongthe thirty-two men, nine are brachycephalic—that is, their cephalic index is greater than They also show that one is very extremely platyrhine, the index being The Bontoc men are never corpulent, and, with the exception of the very old, they areseldom poor. His neck, never long, is well formed and strong and supports the head in erectposition.
His shoulders are broad, even, and full muscled, and with seeming ease carrytransportation baskets laden with 75 to pounds. The hands are strong and short. Thewaist line is firm and smaller than the shoulders or hips. The buttocks usually appearheavy. His legs are generally straight; the thighs and calves are those of a primepedestrian accustomed to long and frequent walks. The ankles are seldom thick; and thefeet are broad and relatively short, Page 41and, almost without exception, are placed onthe ground straight ahead. He has the feet of a pedestrian—not the inturned feet of theconstant bearer of heavy burdens on the back or the outturned feet of the man who sits orstands.
The perfection of muscular development of two-thirds of the men of Bontocbetween the ages of 25 and 30 would be the envy of the average college athlete in theStates. In color the men are brown, though there is a wide range of tone from a light brown witha strong saffron undertone to a very dark brown—as near a bronze as can well beimagined. There are men in theBontoc Igorot Constabulary of an extremely light-brown color, more saffron than brown,who have been wearing clothing for only one year.
During the year the diet of the men inthe Constabulary has been practically the same as that of their darker brothers amongwhom they were enlisted only twelve months ago. All the members of the Constabularydiffer much more in color from the unclothed men than the unclothed differ amongthemselves.
Man after man of these latter may pass under the eye without revealing a tintof saffron, yet there are many who show it faintly. The natural Igorot never washeshimself clean. He washes frequently, but lacks the means of cleansing the skin, and thedirtier he is the more bronze-like he appears. At all times his face looks lighter and moresaffron-tinted than the remainder of his body.
There are two reasons for this—because theface is more often washed and because of its contrast with the black hair of the head. The hair of the head is black, straight, coarse, and relatively abundant. It is worn long,frequently more than half way to the hips from the shoulders. When I have never seen a white-haired Igorot. A few of the old men have their hairthinning on the crown, but a tendency to baldness is by no means the rule. Bontoc pueblo is no exception to the rule that every pueblo in the Philippines has a fewpeople with curly or wavy hair.
I doubt whether to-day an entire tribe of perfectlystraight-haired primitive Malayan people exists in the Archipelago. Many people told me that his father and alsohis grandfather were members of the pueblo and had curly hair. I have never been able tofind any hint at foreign or Negrito blood in any of the several curly haired people in theBontoc culture area whose ancestors I have tried to discover. The scanty growth of hair on the face of the Bontoc man is pulled Page 42out. A smallpebble and the thumb nail or the blade of the battle-ax and the bulb of the thumb arefrequently used as forceps; they never cut the hair of the face.
It is common to see men ofall ages with a very sparse growth of hair on the upper lip or chin, and one of 50 years inBontoc has a fairly heavy 4-inch growth of gray hair on his chin and throat; he is shownin Pl. Their bodies are quite free from hair. There is none on the breast, and seldomany on the legs.
The pelvic growth is always pulled out by the unmarried. The growth inthe armpits is scant, but is not removed. The iris of the eye is brown—often rimmed with a lighter or darker ring. The brown ofthe iris ranges from nearly black to a soft hazel brown. The cornea is frequently blotchedwith red or yellow. The Malayan fold of the upper eyelid is seen in a large majority of themen, the fold being so low that it hangs over and hides the roots of the lashes. The lashesappear to grow from behind the lid rather than from its rim.
The teeth are large and strong, and, whereas in old age they frequently become few anddiscolored, during prime they are often white and clean. The people never artificiallystain the teeth, and, though surrounded by betel-nut chewers with dark teeth or red-stained lips, they do not use the betel. Since the Igorot keeps no record of years, it is impossible to know his age, but it isbelieved that sufficient comparative data have been collected in Bontoc to make thefollowing estimates reliable:At the age of 20 a man seems hardly to have reached his physical best; this he attains,however, before he is By 35 he begins to show the marks of age.
By 55 all are old—most are bent and thin. Probably not over one or two in a hundred mature men live to be 70 years old. The following census taken from a Spanish manuscript found in Quiangan, and written in, may be taken as representative of an average Igorot pueblo:Census of Magulang, district of Quiangan Years Females Males0 to 1 to 5 to 10 to 15 to 20 to 30 to 40 to 50 and over 79 62Total 1, 1,Page 43From this census it seems that the Magulang Igorot man is at his prime between the agesof 30 and 40 years, and that the death rate for men between the ages of 40 and 50 isnearly as great as the death rate among children between 5 to 10 years of age, being Beyond the age of 50 collapse is sudden, since all the men more than 50 yearsold are less than half the number of those between the ages of 40 and 50 years.
In appearance they are short and stocky. The following table presents the averagemeasurements of twenty-nine women:Average measurements of Bontoc women Measurements Cm. The extremes of cephalic index are Of the twenty-ninewomen twelve are brachycephalic; twelve are mesaticephalic; and five aredolichocephalic. The broadest nose has an index of The women reach the age of maturity well prepared for its responsibilities.
They havemore adipose tissue than the men, yet are never fat. The head is carried erect, but with acertain stiffness—often due, in part, no doubt, to shyness, and in part to the fact that theycarry all their burdens on their heads. I believe the neck more often appears short thandoes the neck of the man.
The shoulders are broad, and Page 44flat across the back. Thebreasts are large, full, and well supported. The hips are broad and well set, and the waist there is no natural waist line is frequently no smaller than the hips, though smaller thanthe shoulders. Their arms are smooth and strong, and they throw stones as men do, withthe full-arm throw from the shoulder.
Their hands are short and strong. The thighs are sturdy and strong, and the calves not infrequently over-large. This enlargement runs low down, so the ankles, never slender, very often appear coarseand large. In consequence of this heavy lower leg, the feet, short at best, usually lookmuch too short. They are placed on the ground straight ahead, though the tendency tointurned feet is slightly more noticeable than it is among the men.
Their carriage is a healthful one, though it is not always graceful, since their long stridescommonly give the prominent buttocks a jerky movement. They prove the naturalness ofthat style of walking which, in profile, shows the chest thrust forward and the buttocksbackward; the abdomen is in, and the shoulders do not swing as the strides are made. Itshows on the shaded parts of the body, and where the skin is distended, as on the breastand about certain features of the face. It has a tendency to fall out as age comes on, but does not seem thin onthe head.
The tendency to gray hairs is apparently somewhat less than it is with the men. The remainder of the body is exceptionally free from hair.